Thursday, November 12, 2015

How to do Advanced Google Searches

Put the word in quotations to make sure it's searched for.

For example, when I was trying to find out information on the physical anatomy of a phone I was interested in, the Xperia Z1, I kept getting results for the Z2, Z3, Z, Z1 Compact, etc. So instead of:
Xperia Z1 technical diagram illustration parts components

I did:

"Xperia Z1" technical diagram illustration parts components -compact

The difference between the two searches is that the second search requires the exact phrase Xperia Z1 and it forbids any results that contain the word compact (to avoid polluting my results with the Z1 Compact, a different model I have no interest in).

The middle terms are all words that could plausibly be along the lines of what I'm looking for, but they're not required to be included in the search. If I wanted the middle terms to be mandatory in the results, I would put the word AND between them:

"Xperia Z1" technical diagram AND illustration AND parts AND components -compact
But that would be a bad idea because it's inconceivable that what I'm looking for would have to have all those words. Alternatively, I could try:

"Xperia Z1" technical diagram OR illustration OR parts OR components -compact
In which case, it would only show results that contained at least one of the middle four words.



Another useful search modifier is intitle: or inurl:

For example, if you want to search for results that have taken place in a discussion forum (perhaps you're having technical difficulties with a program and want to find results on a forum where people with the same problem are discussing it), add the following to the end of your search query:
inurl:forum OR inurl:topic OR inurl:thread

Or if your results are pretty irrelevant and you want to make sure what you're searching for is the focus of whatever page contains it, you can prepend your term with intitle: like so:
intitle:"xperia z1"

Now all your results will have "Xperia Z1" in the title, which can help eliminate a lot of extraneous results that only passingly mention the Xperia Z1 somewhere in the body of the text.



You can also use asterisks as a wildcard, for example:

"dangerous * of lead"

...will show results for:
  • dangerous quantities of lead
  • dangerous levels of lead
  • dangerous amounts of lead
  • dangerous level of exposure of lead
But you'd have to put the phrase in quotes, as I did above, or else it will not know that you seek the exact phrase "dangerous _____ of lead"



Aside from things you put in the search query yourself, you can also filter results by date:
After making a search, click the "Search Tools" button at the top of the results, click the "Any Time" dropdown button, choose one of the presets or click "Custom range..." and input the date range in which you want your results to be from.

This can be useful if you want to exclude some recent major event from your results (e.g. perhaps you want commentary about the Turkish election from before the results came out November 1st of this year).

Or it can be useful if there's a constantly evolving discussion about a topic and you want to narrow in on one timeframe. So, if you're on a Game of Thrones binge and you just finished Season 3 (which finished airing June 9th, 2013) and want to search for results from just after it aired (for commentary, discussions, etc.) but you don't want to spoil Season 4 (which first aired April 6th, 2014) you could set your results' date range to June 9, 2013 to April 5th, 2014, thereby ensuring that all your results will be from the moment Season 3 ended to the moment before Season 4 started. Blissfully spoiler-free.



You can also use filetype: to get results only of a particular file (such as PDFs).

Example:
  • Searching for Dell XPS 8500 manual filetype:pdf will only show results that are PDF files (most manuals online are in PDF format)
  • Other common file types you can search for include: mp3 (music); xlsx (Excel); xls (Excel); docx (Word); ppt (PowerPoint); jpeg, jpg, png (images); and many others.
  •  


Quotations

When to use:
  • Searching for exact quote someone spoke/wrote ("I need your clothes, your boots, and your motorcycle")
  • Searching for solutions to an exact error message you're getting in a program ("unknown update service parameters")
  • Searching for an exact product name ("XPS 8500")
  • Searching for someone's name ("Mark Brown")
  • Searching for a series of words you think might be included in the page you're looking for ("dangerous amounts of")
When not to use:
  • Searching for something that has many different ways of being said. For example, "how do I install multiple monitors" is a bad usage of quotations, because it's unlikely someone will have asked the question exactly in those words.



The OR term.

When to use:

Example:
  • Russian censorship OR propaganda will search for results which contain Russian as well as either censorship or propaganda, as well as both.
  • dmv OR "department of motor vehicles" will search for results which contain the acronym DMV or results which contain the whole phrase department of motor vehicles, or both.
  • "The Colbert Report" OR "The Daily Show" will search for results which include either show or both shows.
When not to use:

Example:
  • steve jobs OR mark zuckerberg is a bad search, because it doesn't know that you want the whole two-word names steve jobs and mark zuckerberg to be lumped together. It treats that search the same as it treats this one: jobs OR mark steve zuckerberg. It doesn't know that these are first and last names that need to be lumped together. Instead, you should search: "steve jobs" OR "mark zuckerberg", because then it knows to lump together what's in the quotes.
  • 2014 supreme court decisions OR 2013 ...is a bad search, because it doesn't know that you want to search for Supreme Court decisions from either year; it thinks you want decisions OR 2013, not 2014 OR 2013.
SOURCE

Thursday, November 5, 2015

What to Check for When Buying a Used Phone

Most of these suggestions require the phone to be on, so I would request the seller bring the phone that is charged up a bit. Also, bring a pair of headphones to test the headphone jack, preferably ones with a mic so you can test the mic in the headphone jack. A pair comes with every iPhone, so the seller might have a pair you can use just to verify the port.

I think the suggestions about having the seller wait with you while you activate the phone is a good idea, just to make sure he's not selling you a phone that is locked to his or her carrier (which probably requires them to talk to their carrier before it can be unlocked).

iCloud Activation Lock

Like others have said, probably the most important thing to check is whether iCloud Activation Lock aka Find My iPhone is turned off. If turned on, the device will be unusable to anyone who doesn't have the original user's Apple ID and password. To turn it off, go into Settings -> iCloud -> Towards the bottom, make sure "Find My iPhone" is set to off. If it is on, turning it off will be as simple as entering a password. While you're on that screen, scroll to the top and delete any iCloud account associated with the phone so you aren't getting any of the seller's data.

If the seller restored the phone (reset to factory conditions) this will NOT remove the iCloud activation lock on its own. You'll know if the phone is reset if it has a white background on the lock screen and instead of "slide to unlock" it says something like "slide to set up". If this is the case, follow the prompts, and opt to skip on setting up wifi/putting in your apple ID/everything etc. for now, as you can do it later. At some point during the quick set up, I'm sure it'll ask for the Apple ID of the seller if the activation lock is enabled. Entering it will allow you to finish setting up the phone, and you'll still need to go into settings and turn it off like I described above.

If you want to independently verify that Activation lock is off, go to https://www.icloud.com/activationlock/ and enter the IMEI of the phone which you can find on the back of the device, or in Settings -> General -> About.

Hardware

If buying a device off craigslist, I'd want to check all the hardware and make sure nothing is broken. On the left side, check the two volume buttons and the silent/ringer hardware toggle. On the top, make sure the sleep/wake button works. If the phone hasn't seen use for several months, the home button may not respond on the very first press, which is normal. It should respond by the 5th press or so max, and I find that this problem goes away after a day's worth of use.

Sidenote, every app I mention to help test hardware comes standard on iOS. If you can't find them, pull down on the home screen to bring up a search.

Model

Verify you're looking at a 5S and not a 5. They are nearly identical in appearance except for the home button. Here is a comparison of the two home buttons. The 5S is the top phone with the silver ring and the blank button, while the 5 has the square on the home button. Also, the 5S will show a "Touch ID and Passcode" section in the top level of Settings instead of just "Passcode".

Also, verify that the phone's storage capacity is as advertised. The 5S doesn't externally display storage capacity, and it is not user upgradeable. Settings -> General -> About, capacity will show the phone's size after OS.

Headphone Jack

This assumes you have headphones to test the jack, which I recommend testing as I've seen kids break either the L or R part of the port from ripping headphones out roughly one too many times. First, go to Settings -> General -> Accessibility, and under hearing turn "Mono Audio" OFF, so you can test both sides. As for the actual test, I think the music app comes with one or two songs you can use to test, otherwise change the ringtone in Settings -> Sounds. For some reason changing my ringtone with headphones plugged in made sound come out of both headphones and the bottom speaker, just be aware of that, and I guess also use it as an opportunity to test that speaker.

Mic/Speaker

Record yourself using the voice memos app, then play back through the speaker. On the holes on the bottom of the phone, one side is a mic and the other is a speaker.

If you have headphones with a mic, repeat that to test the headphone jack's mic.

When playing back the voice memos recording, there is an icon in the upper right that looks like a volume icon which you can use to switch the sound's output between the speaker on the bottom of the phone and the phone/ear speaker above the screen.

Cameras

Open the camera app and make sure the front and back camera work, as well as the camera flash.

Firmware

If you're planning on jailbreaking/rooting the phone, you'll want one that is currently on certain iOS versions. You can't downgrade your iOS version (for the most part on a 5S), and you can only upgrade to the newest iOS version (9.1) which is currently not jail breakable, so if that matters to you that is something to check. Settings -> General -> About, look to se what version number the phone is on. To see if that version is jail breakable, visit canijailbreak.com .

SOURCE

Wednesday, November 4, 2015

A Brief History of MANPADS: Syria Edition

Acknowledgements to Neirdark and Orion for their technical knowledge.

So whats up with MANPADS? That is the question I asked myself as I embarked on this project.

There are many scare stories in the media about airline terrorism. But what does the evidence actually tell us, and perhaps more importantly, what can we gleam from that?

Data and Methodology

As a rule I am only using videos. Twitter updates while interesting, are not proof enough for the issue being addressed. To verify the authenticity of the video, there must be someone in the video actually holding the MANPADS and/or a smoke trail from the missiles being fired. While the self proclaimed ‘Islamic State’ is the only faction in the conflict that has shown the ability to realistically doctor computer generated elements into a video, it is still important to put in safeguards to ensure the videos are legitimate. As you will see in the videos, the presence of backblast from the tubes, and exhaust from the front of the tubes is quite apparent. This effect would be difficult to doctor effectively while still accounting for lighting issues and time of day.

The presence of a shaky camera indicates three things to me.

1) It shows the person with the videocamera is nervous and actually in a battlefield environment. These are not staged battles.

2) It shows that the videographer is there with the MANPADS team, the camera shakes upon firing as the person holding the camera reacts to small explosion taking place in front of them. This is especially apparent in the videos where the videographer is up-close.

3) It shows that the person with the videocamera is more concerned with getting the MANPADS shot on-camera than with manipulating the emotions of the viewer. Often in IS or JaN videos there are establishing shots, jump cuts and other specialized film techniques to make the viewer feel a certain emotion. These videos are not that. They have more in common with viral videos from the mid-2000s in their construction than the high-end propaganda we often associate with the Syrian Civil War.

For the sake of organization, the videos are classified by faction first, description of the video second, rough area inside Syria third, with a rough timestamp fourth.

FSA. Soldier explains how to use SA-7. Unknown Province. November 2012
Unknown Faction. MANPADS used against plane. Idlib. February 2013
FSA. MANPADS used against SAA helicopter. Unknown Province. Early 2013
Unknown Faction. Possible 2nd video of incident above. Ghouta Neighborhood. 2013
FSA. MANPAD shoots down helicopter. Unknown Province. May 2013
Unknown Faction. MANPADS used against plane; improvised battery visible. Unknown Province. May 2014
Ahrar al-Ummah. Two MANPADS used against helicopter. Unknown Province. June 2014
Unknown Faction. Purported Chinese MANPADS used against helicopter. Homs. October 2014
Sham Front. MANPAD used against helicopter. Aleppo Province. September 2015
Yarmouk Army. MANPADS used against aircraft; improvised battery visible. June 2015

The relative dearth and low quality of the videos makes sense in more ways than one. Rebel groups who actually get MANPADS either have to have connections to intelligence services or collect them off of the battlefield (which includes stumbling on them in a warehouse). The groups with ties to intelligence services likely do not want to draw attention to this fact. It may be part of the reason there are so few videos on MANPADS posted online. Videos in the context of the Syrian War have evolved into a form of advertising for different groups. The groups with the flashiest videos get the most recruits and cash from rich Gulf donors. But if you know a guy in an intelligence service who can get you cash and MANPADS, this process can be avoided entirely. No need to draw attention to that.

Rebel groups and militias take time to institute a system of comprehensive disciplinary measures in their ranks. But a logical system of covert action can always be overruled by an overzealous and charming cousin with a cell phone. I call this the “But dude, it’s so cool” factor.

Source of MANPADS

Now that we have proof MANPADS have a measurable presence in Syria, the next question to ask is where the Syrian rebels got these MANPADS? Well, some of them are simply taken from Syria’s stockpiles. Syria has had a long history of arms transfers from Russia and Fmr. Soviet Union.

Surprisingly this seems to be their main supplier. There are no official transfers of shoulder fired anti-aircraft weapons from the usual suspects of unscrupulous arms dealers mainly North Korea, Myanmar, Sudan and Rwanda. This may be of course because they were bought on the greyer side of the international grey market, but based on publicly available data it seems only Russia has supplied shoulder fired anti-aircraft weapons to the SAA. China and Iran have not done so in the past and likely have not done so in the current conflict due to the fact, well none of the rebel factions have a viable air force.

Trade registers show 15,000 Strela 2s/SA-7s were delivered from the Soviet Union between 1970 and 1983. Due to decay of chemicals which charge the SA-7 battery, we see Syrian rebels outright attaching homemade batteries to power their SA-7s. To replace this decaying stockpile, 200 Igla/SA-18s were delivered from the Russian Federation in 2006. With another 200 Igla-S/SA-24 Grinch being delivered between 2008 and 2010. While the SA-7 only locks onto the exhaust of aircraft, the infrared on the SA-18 and SA-24 allows missiles to approach the aircraft from the front and side. Developments in avionics and general design allow the SA-18 and SA-24s to carry heavier payloads than the SA-7. This may explain why a missile only slightly damages an Mi-8 in this video.

 So how do Chinese made FN-6s end up on the battlefields of Syria? Here the New York Times comes in handy. We know that Qatar moved at least two batches of MANPADS to Syria. One of these was a shipment of FN-6s. One batch was bought from an “unknown seller” and smuggled to the rebels through Turkey. The other batch was either pilfered directly from a Qaddafi stockpile or bought on the Libyan black market afterwards. Qaddafi though did not hold stocks of FN-6s. Subsequent reporting from the New York Times shows that Ukranian flagged aircraft from an unknown business venture flew military cargo planes from airfields in Khartoum to airfields in Turkey.

China being a major investor in the Sudanese oil market, also has military ties to the government. While we cannot be 100% sure, this seems the most likely explanation for the “unknown seller” reported by the New York Times as well as the source of the FN-6s. But we will very likely never know. When the New York Times contacted Syrian rebels operating MANPADS they noticed the serial numbers and lot numbers had been scratched out and spraypainted over. The rebels say they got them like this.

But Occam’s Razor does not always apply to arms trafficking. The SIPRI data is provided by states, but the exact processes of recording the trade registers and export of weapons will vary dramatically across states and institutions. No one with a functioning brain would actually believe North Korea is honest about what they sell. SIPRI metrics only document full systems, not the accessory pieces. Batteries, gripstocks and eject motors are likely the easy parts to get where as the tubes and missiles would be more difficult for non-state actors to acquire.

The Federation of American Scientists attempted to measure the black market prices of different MANPADS over a 20 year period with success limited to the finding that Stingers are drastically more expensive than their Russian manufactures counterparts. Not that this matter much with ~4000 loose MANPADS (pg. 13) unleashed into Iraq after the disbanding of the Iraqi Army in 2003.

Thanks De-Baathification!

Military Application

Now that we can say with confidence that MANPADS are being used in Syria and how they got there, the next most relevant question is how well are they being used. As alluded to earlier, the answer to this is not very well. The SA-7s, or “Cobras” as the rebels call them, contain batteries that have deteriorated chemically over the past 40 years. This has led individuals to design their own batteries. These are often cumbersome and require a wire to be attached to the system itself. The exact chemicals and structure of the batteries remains outside of the public record, therefore it is unclear how similar the rebel made batteries are to the original design. Some that is available however is that the original battery allowed for one full minute of charge on the MANPADS whereas the rebel made battery only provides charge for somewhere between 30 and 40 seconds.

This has reduced the effectiveness of rebel use of SA-7s since there is less time for both the person using the MANPADS and the MANPADS itself, to orient onto an often fast moving target. For fixed winged aircraft, avoiding MANPADS is relatively easy. Without a capable SAM threats pilots could conceivably just fly out of the range of shoulder fired missiles and drop bombs from that altitude. Considering Assad’s lack of concern for collateral damage this tactic is not out of the question.

For helicopters the MANPADS threat is much more pronounced. This is due to the fact helicopters operate at lower speeds and altitudes than fixed wing aircraft. This opens up opportunities for human operators to spot and lock onto their targets. Helicopters try to reduce this threat by using terrain and buildings as cover. There is a large English language literature on this in the Air-Land-Battle concept of NATO. How these techniques have adapted to the specific dynamics of the Syrian conflict lies outside my realm of expertise.

For a chart showing the capability of different former Soviet Bloc MANPADS, click here

The FN-6 manufactured by the China National Precision Machinery Import and Export Company has a pyramid shaped warhead. This allows for the FN-6 warheads to house a four rather than single unit infrared system. This allows for reduced drag and makes the system easier to identify. It reportedly has a max range of 6000 meters and max altitude of 3,800 meters. It is unknown is Syrian rebels utilize the fact the FN-6 has longer maximum range than the SA-7 (4,200 meters) in planning their operations. An FN-6 is on record was used near Baji to down an Iraqi helicopter.

Global Implications

As the conflict drags on expect the proliferation of a greater number of MANPADS into the Syrian conflict. Whether this happens on a small or large scale is up to state actors to decide. While the TOW program has been successful so far I do not foresee a similar system of video recorded confirmation working for MANPADS. TOWs are not something with a real application to modern urban terrorism. If al-Qaeda or IS got their hands on a TOW the only thing that suffers is an armored vehicle and it’s crew or perhaps an entrenched position. A MANPADS getting loose is a whole different ballgame.

In the post-9/11 environment people often lose perspective on how pervasive airline terrorism was in the 1970s. One of the most erroneous and overlooked examples happened in France. In January of 1975 Carlos the Jackal and operatives of the PFLP were tasked with bringing down an Israelis airliner. The group was able to bring rocket propelled grenades onto the premises of the Orly Airport in France two times within a one week period. The attack against the Israeli airliners failed when the PFLP terrorists miraculously managed to miss their target. While airport security has improved drastically since 9/11 many airports in developing countries still have security measures that could be overcome by a determined actor. Airline terrorism is a real threat, and in a globalized world with increasingly blurry boundaries the threat still exists and should not be discounted by states.

SOURCE

How the Islamic State justifies it's execution methods Islamically

The Islamic State has become famous for their execution methods and this has sparked many questions.

One of many is "Why would they do this?"

To answer this question we have to understand one of the basics of Islamic law, Qisas.
Qisas is defined as retribution (although there is no perfect english definition).

In the english language this type of law would best be described as "An eye for an eye"
The proof that the Prophet pbuh prescribed and carried out Qisas punishments is numerous.
O ye who believe! the law of equality is prescribed to you in cases of murder: the free for the free, the slave for the slave, the woman for the woman. But if any remission is made by the brother of the slain, then grant any reasonable demand, and compensate him with handsome gratitude, this is a concession and a Mercy from your Lord. After this whoever exceeds the limits shall be in grave penalty.
Surah Baqarah ayah 178

It is important to not here that this verse does not mean that if someone kills your slave that you may kill that person's slave. This was something that was practiced in the time of Jahiliyya (time before Islam in Arabia) and was banned by the Prophet pbuh because it causes harm to someone who did no crime. Rather it means that the one who committed the crime will be held accountable.
Narrated Anas: The daughter of An-Nadr slapped a girl and broke her incisor tooth. They (the relatives of that girl), came to the Prophet and he gave the order of Qisas (equality in punishment).
Sahih al-Bukhari, 9:83:32

This clearly shows the Prophet pbuh using Qisas as a justice.

This is generally the principal IS uses in order to justify it's executions.

In the video of the soldier getting driven over by a tank, he confessed to running over IS soldiers while he drove a tank for the Regime, so IS used this principal to execute him in the same way he killed IS soldiers.

The most famous version of this used by IS is the burning of the Jordanian Pilot.

The way IS justifies it is Qisas because the pilot had burned people alive in building because of his bombings.

This has proven controversial for many reasons.

Mainly because of this Hadith:
“Indeed, fire is something that no one other than Allah may use for punishment.”
Sahih al-Bukhari (3016)

This has called many Muslims to call IS's actions unislamic and condemned them for this act.
IS argues that because this is a case of Qisas, this was justified. They also cite the Hadith that Ali (ra) burned heretical rebels as a way of execution, which was not even in a case of Qisas.
Ikrimah relates that some heretical rebels were brought before Ali (ra) and he had them set afire. When news of this reached Ibn Abbas (ra), he said: “If it had been up to me, I would not have burned them, because of Allah’s Messenger (peace be upon him) prohibited this, saying: ‘Do not punish with Allah’s punishment.’ I would have merely executed them…”
Sahih al-Bukhari (6922)

This is a weak justification for their actions for many reasons

Firstly, it is possible that while Ali (ra) burned the people, he may have not been present when the Prophet said not to burn people. So while he did it, he did it out of ignorance of the Prophet's statement, and because this statement is now well known, it is no longer justifiable.

Second, there are many discrepancies within this story. Some narrations say that it was actually their houses that were burned due to blasphemous material contained within the houses. Others say that they were executed and then their bodies were burned after the execution had taken place.

These stories are in Ibn Hajar's book Al-Fath Al-Baari Kitaab Istitaabah Al-Murtaddeen

In my opinion the tank execution can be Islamically justified if the soldier actually was guilty of his crimes and was not tortured into a confession. However, the burning of the pilot is clearly an unislamic action and IS's justification cannot stand to even a small amount of criticism.

SOURCE

Why was Napoleon exiled rather than executed

Although there were some calls for Napoleon's execution, most notably within Prussian military circles, most of Napoleon's enemies recognized that an execution would not only make Napoleon a martyr, but would further complicate the transition from Napoleonic rule to what would later be known as the Congress of Vienna system.

Wellington's thoughts on this matter of execution provides a window into this mentality of the summer of 1815. In a letter written to Charles Stuart shortly after Napoleon's abdication, he wrote:
Blücher wishes to kill him [Napoleon]; but I have told him that I shall remonstrate, and shall insist upon his being disposed of by common accord. I have likewise said that, as a private friend, I advised him to have nothing to do with so foul a transaction; that he and I had acted too distinguished parts in these transactions to become executioners; and that I was determined that if the Sovereigns wished to put him to death they should appoint an executioner, which should not be me.
Wellington's letter is worth unpacking. Firstly, Wellington contended that Napoleon's fate was something that needed to be decided by "common accord," that is, by the concert of the various sovereign leaders of Europe then meeting in Vienna. Wellington's disgust at the type of revanchist sentiments as displayed by Blücher also signified that such feelings of revenge was relatively atypical.

The Prussian army of the late Napoleonic wars was an independent-minded organization and sometimes pursued policies without authorization of its government or its king, such as the Convention of Tauroggen. Finally, Wellington also noted that while he would abide a decision by the various Concert leaders to execute Napoleon, he himself would not do so. Such a disapproval by this prominent general and political figure demonstrates how an execution would become a politically unpopular decision, even among the enemies of Napoleon.

One particular episode of the post-Waterloo history illustrates how politically charged executions of prominent Bonapartists could be: the execution of Marshal Ney. Under pressure from the Duchesse d'Angouleme and various emigres to clean house after the Hunder Days, Louis XVIII issued an ordonnance du roi of 57 figures to be tried under a courts-martial for their activities during the Hundred Days, including Ney. The government's first choice for the presiding judge, Marshal de Mouncey, refused on the grounds that:
Shall 25 years of my glorious labors be sullied in a single day? Shall my locks, bleached under the helmet, be only proofs of my shame? No, Sire! It shall not be said that the elder of the marshals of France contributed to the misfortunes of his country. My life, my fortune, all that I possess or enjoy is at the service of my king and country; but my honor is exclusively my own, and no human power can ravish it from me. If my name is to be the only heritage left to my children, at least let it not be disgraced.
The strong sentiment in the Restoration military for clemency led to a trial in the Chamber of Peers, which was dominated by emigres. During this trial, current Minister of War Marshal Gouvion St. Cyr appealed for clemency and so to did several of Ney's colleagues who had found themselves a new role in the Bourbon military.

Giving into the revanchist sentiments of d'Angouleme threatened to destroy the fragile political order of the Restoration, which tried to knit together the Napoleonic and Ancien Regime's two aristocracies. Ney's execution also met with wider disapproval in other European circles. In Britain, Lord Holland championed clemency for Ney because it was a violation of Convention of Paris, which was an armistice that promised no political retributions in exchange for peace and the surrender of Paris.

Politics were at play here too, as Lord Holland used Ney's execution to attack the rising political star of Wellington by asserting that the British general was seeking revenge upon an enemy he could not defeat in the field. The resurgent British radical press also saw the Bourbon executions as further evidence that the existing political system was rotten and needed radical reform.


Although it is conjecture, if Ney's execution could prompt such sentiments, it is a reasonable proposition that an execution of Napoleon would create an even bigger political tempest. Napoleon was such an important and outsized symbol for an era that execution would be a dangerous undertaking, but Napoleon needed to be kept under close scrutiny and be distant from European politics.

The various Allied leaders had actually recognized this problem prior to the Hundred Days and there were tentative steps towards exploring the possibility of exiling Napoleon in some remote location. Both Castlereagh and Metternich felt that Elba was too proximate to Europe to be a gilded cage, but accepted Elba as a means to placate Tsar Alexander I who wished to appear magnanimous to a defeated foe. The Hundred Days gave advocates of a distant exile a iron-clad pretext to shuttle Napoleon off to some distant shores. Wellington favored Madras in India, but St. Helena was an ideal choice.

The fear of Napoleon's personal charm and image was still powerful even in defeat. When Napoleon was likening himself to Themistocles on HMS Bellerophon, Castlereagh was scared that Napoleon would have had an undue influence upon the Prince Regent, who maintained a Bonapartist style at court and could use ill-treatment of Napoleon for his own political capital by likening such cruel treatment to the treatment of his father, George III.

As the above indicates, Restoration political culture was was both highly contentious and Napoleon was not just a man in it, but a symbol for his age. Executing Napoleon would have entailed a wider destabilization of European politics when it was in the interest of the Congress's leadership to try and stabilize them. A large number of Napoleonic officials retained powerful positions in Restoration society, like Gouvian St. Cyr or Eugène de Beauharnais, and many of those Frenchmen immediately exiled after the Hundred Days like Soult shortly returned and became important parts of the establishment.

At a lower level, many of the Napoleonic elite were cementing themselves as the new elite of a post-Napoleonic France. Further afield in the realm of culture, Napoleon quickly emerged as a pan-European symbol for Romanticism and the defeat of such a titan was an important plank for legitimizing the various post-1815 regimes. Within this context, an swift drumhead execution, which as Ney's trial shows would have likely been the only viable way to execute the emperor, would have tarnished the victory over such a giant.

Sources

Bew, John. Castlereagh: A Life. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
Dwyer, Philip G. Citizen Emperor: Napoleon in Power.New Haven : Yale University Press, 2013.
Millar, Stephan. " 'Pour encourager les autres': The Trial and Execution of Marshal Michel Ney." Napoleon-Series, http://www.napoleon-series.org/research/biographies/marshals/c_neyexecution.html.
Muir, Rory. Wellington. Volume 2: Waterloo and the fortunes of peace : 1814 - 1852. New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 2015.
Price, Munro. Napoleon: The End of Glory. New York: Oxford University Press, 2014.

Sectarianism: A History of the Shia-Sunni Divide

In the modern era, the Muslim world has seen intense upheaval and conflict, the bloodiest of which is attributable to religious and sectarian causes. While many people consider this as proof of Islam being an inherently violent religion, or as a reason to consider Muslims as savages, the relationship between politics, religion and violence here is much more complex.

The purpose of this post is to provide a background of inter-sect relations between the two main denominations of Islam, Sunni and Shia, from the death of Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) to the modern day, and how they contribute to instability in the region.

Most readers may be familiar with the migration of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) and the nascent Muslim community to Madinah in the year 622 to escape persecution from the people of Makkah. Once settled in their new home, the Muslim community in the city could be divided into two camps: the Muhajireen (Emigrants) who were the migrants from Makkah, and the Ansar (Helpers) who were the native population of Madinah who clothed, fed and sheltered the Muhajireen till the latter could stand on their own feet.

The Muhajireen integrated remarkably well into Madinah's environment and there was little, if any tension between the two. However, after the death of the Holy Prophet (PBUH), there was a disagreement between the two regarding his successor:

The Muhajireen believed that as the Prophet (PBUH) had been one of them and they had been his earliest supporters, the successor should also be one of them whereas the Ansar argued that they without their taking in of the Muhajireen and the aid they provided to the cause of Islam, the religion may well have been crushed and thus, they were deserving of the succession. To discuss who to nominate as Caliph, the leaders of the Ansar met at the Saqifa Banu Saidah, the house of one of the Ansar leaders, while the Holy Prophet (PBUH) was dying.

Just as he passed away, his companions found out about the meeting. Abu Bakr, Umar ibn Khattab and Abu Ubaidah bin Jarrah, three of the Prophet'S (PBUH) closest companions, made their way to Saqifa, where Umar nominated Abu Bakr; all present agreed and Abu Bakr was elected the first of the Rightly Guided Caliphs in Sunni belief.

This was where the first split in the Muslim community formed. Ali, the Prophet's (PBUH) cousin, son-in-law and close companion, was bathing the Prophet's (PBUH) body in preparation for the funeral and was not informed of these events till they had already transpired. While subsequent Sunni and Shia accounts of his reaction differ, there is a wide consensus that he was disappointed in not being consulted and that several of the Prophet's (PBUH) companions did not initially give bayah (oath of allegiance) to Abu Bakr as they supported Ali.

Ali's supporters, the Shiatu Ali (Party of Ali) claimed that the Prophet (PBUH) had indicated Ali as his successor, based on numerous instances such as the Hadith of Khumm, which is accepted by both Sunnis and Shias as valid. However, the Holy Prophet (PBUH) had delegated Abu Bakr to lead the prayers during his final illness and most Muslims were content to consider this as sufficient to endorse Abu Bakr; Ali himself gave Bayah to Abu Bakr not much later and was a close advisor on matters of state to Abu Bakr, Umar and Usman, all three of his predecessors as Caliph.

However, there is much controversy over the death of Fatima, Ali's wife, who died not much after her father, the Prophet (PBUH) with the general Shia view alleging that she died from injuries sustained at the hands of Umar and other supporters of Abu Bakr trying to get Ali to give bayah, a view rejected by most Sunni scholars who claim she died due to grief for her father.

Ali eventually became Caliph in 656 after Usman's assassination, but his short rule was mostly occupied with civil wars, the major one of which was the rebellion by Muawiya bin Abu Sufyan, the governor of Syria. Muawiya belonged to the Banu Umayya clan, rivals of the Banu Hashim to which the Prophet (PBUH) and Ali belonged, and his father Abu Sufyan was one of the Prophet's (PBUH) fiercest enemies, surviving only due to the amnesty declared when Makkah surrendered to the Muslims.

Muawiya used anger over the assassination of Uthman to drum up support for a rebellion; during the major battle at Siffin, Ali's forces appeared ascendant but the former ordered his troops to mount verses of the Quran on their lances, signifying a call for arbitration according to the Quran; this move caused a significant portion of Ali's army to stop fighting, forcing him to agree.

The result of the arbitration was that both should vacate their posts, a decision against Ali due to his higher position and the fact that Muawiyah was a rebel. He refused to step down and was martyred not long after at the hands of the Kharjites, a group of fanatics with views not unlike today's ISIS.

After his martyrdom, his son, Hasan ibn Ali, the grandson of the Holy Prophet (PBUH) became the lesser-known fifth Rightly Guided Caliph and only ruled for a few months, before abdicating in favour of Muawiya on some conditions, including that he would not form a dynasty to rule the Caliphate; Hasan retired to Medina where nine years later in 670, he was poisoned by one of his wives at Muawiyah's instigation.

This passed the Imamate to his brother, Hussain. Imam Hussain and other notable people such as Muhammad ibn Abu Bakr and Abdullah ibn Umar tolerated Muawiyah as he was a competent leader. However, near the end of his reign, Muawiyah nominated his son Yazid as his successor, and started ordering people to take bayah at Yazid's hand. Imam Hussain was among the few who refused to do so, even when threatened, as he viewed it as a violation of the treaty that his brother had signed.

The issue became a full-blown dispute when Muawiyah died and Yazid became Caliph. The people of Kufa seemed receptive to his message and invited the Imam to their city to preach among them. Imam Hussain agreed and dispatched his cousin, Muslim bin Aqeel, to Kufa to gauge support and take bayah on his behalf. Hussain departed from Madinah to Kufa with his family, but in the interim, Yazid replaced the governer of Kufa with one of his own men, Ubaydullah ibn Ziyad, who arrested and executed Muslim, and dispersed the pro-Hussain feeling in the city.

Hussain received this news when he had already commenced his journey and was close to the city. He decided to continue onwards but ibn Ziyad received orders from Yazid to gain bayah from the Imam at any cost and blocked his path with an army at a place called Karbala. They also cut off the supply of water to his camp by preventing access to the nearby Euphrates River. The Imam again refused to bow to Yazid and as a result, the battle of Karbala was fought on the 10th of Muharram, where the Imam and 72 of his companions, including almost all the male descendants of the Prophet (PBUH) at the time were martyred.

The Umayyad army did not even spare the Imam's six month old son, Ali al Asghar. The remainder of the caravan, mostly women and children, were forcefully marched to Damascus where Yazid and his court mocked the Imam, but were silenced by a speech given by Zainab bint Ali, the Imam's sister; among other things, she affirmed that her kin were martyrs in Paradise and vowed that Yazid and his supporters would face justice on the Day of Resurrection. In response, Yazid imprisoned the Ahlul Bayt, the family of the Prophet (PBUH), but was forced to release them when ordinary people started crowding the prison to learn about the events of Karbala.

The events of Karbala were not only some of the most tragic in the history of Islam, but also acted as a catalyst for many others. Imam Hussain's sacrifice and martyrdom inspired many anti-Yazid people to rise in revolt and although the Umayyads crushed them, they would soon be toppled by the Abbasids, who capitalized on the anger among the populace over the treatment of the Ahlul Bayt. More importantly, this brought about a schism in Islam that split it into two.

Overnight, the Shia went from being a politically oriented group to a separate religious sect that laid emphasis on devotion to the Ahlul Bayt and the Imams. The Abbasids did not prove to be any better however; while most Muslims were against the slaughter of the Ahlul Bayt, the Abbasids were suspicious that the Imams would seek to press their claim to the Caliphate and thus, encouraged persecution of the Shia. All of the Imams in the Abbasid period, starting from Imam Jafar al Sadiq till Imam Askari, were poisoned at the instigation of the Abbasid Caliphs.

However, the Shias began to spread slowly, centered around Iraq and spreading outwards, and received a boost from the destruction of the Abbasid Caliphate by the Mongols, which ended state repression. Till the 16th century, many of the Shias in the Middle East belonged to non-Twelver denominations like Ismailis, Bektashis etc. The establishment of the Safavid Empire in Iran changed that. The Safavids imported Shia scholars from the Middle East, provided support for Shia proselytizing and religious works, and heavily persecuted Sunnis; as a result, a majority Sunni land was quickly, if violently, converted to mostly Twelver Shia belief within a few generations.

Due to the power of the Safavids at their height, the neighboring, majority-Sunni Ottoman Empire viewed the Shia in its own lands with suspicion and continued the Abbasid practice of Shia persecution, as did the Mughal Empire in South Asia to a smaller extent. [1] [2]

In the 20th century, Sunni-Shia relations improved due to national struggles and joint pan-Muslim causes such as the Khilafat Movement in South Asia to save the Ottoman Empire in the 1920s and the anti-Zionist struggle against Israel which united many Muslims across the world against a common enemy. However, this progress stalled and in fact, started taking steps backwards due to the spread of Wahhabism and Salafism. Prior to the 1970s, these austere ideologies were primarily confined to the Arabian Peninsula, making up a tiny fraction of Sunni Muslims.

However, new-found oil wealth allowed the Gulf States, primarily Saudi Arabia, to pour petrodollars into Wahhabi literature, mosques, madrassas and aid programs, especially in South Asia and the West. This caused the two inter-linked movements to grow rapidly, contributing to the increasing conservatism of many Muslim and Arab societies in comparison to the 60s and 70s. The rise of these movements contributed to deteriorating inter-sect relations as they do not believe in the concept of shrines, which on the other hand are a staple of Shia religious thinking.

Also, these movements are far more liberal in the application of takfir or excommunication than mainstream Sunnis and have often labeled Shias to be murtad (apostates), often worse than non-Muslims. Interestingly, many Salafists in the West are new converts rather than already Muslim and most of the Muslims involved in terror acts there are self-taught and generally religiously illiterate.[3]

The Gulf nations were generous patrons of Wahhabism for two main reasons: Firstly, it enabled the Gulf regimes to move firebrand or troublesome clerics out of their countries and into others, allowing them to rule more freely with a more subservient clergy. Secondly, the Islamic Revolution in Iran shook the Middle East, showing that even the most powerful of the monarchs in the region could be toppled. Terrified of this being repeated in their countries and suspicious of their own Shia populations, the Gulf rulers found it convenient to paint the Shias as the enemy and use the spectre of the Persian Safavids coming to violently spread Shia ideology in a way to drum up support and divert their populations from thinking too deeply about the illegitimacy of kingdoms in Islam and stifling restrictions at home.

As a result, inter-sect harmony has deteriorated in virtually every country around the world, though current relations vary: for instance, in the Persian Gulf region and the Levant, there are tensions between the communities and even open war as in Syria, where Sunni rebels fight a generally Shia-backed government. In Pakistan and Afghanistan, the rise of extremist groups such as the Taliban,Sipah e Sahaba and Lashkar e Jhangvi have resulted in the targeting of Shia intellectuals, mourning processions in Muharram, and imambargahs/mosques. However, support for such attacks is confined to a minority and the majority of Sunnis and Shias in South Asia continue to coexist in relative harmony. [4]

Some may continue to wonder why rivalries in this region are so deeply rooted in religion and events that occurred centuries ago. To understand that, we must look at the concept of the Ummah. In Islam, all followers of the religion are declared to be one nation, in other words deconstructing national and racial boundaries in favor of a more inclusive system where race and origin do not matter, at least in theory.[5]

Since the Muslim conquest of the Middle East took place so rapidly, and subsequent conquests and proselytizing engaged a diverse range of geographically separated peoples, the only common identity with which to bind empires and nation-states together was the concept of Islamic brotherhood. Thus, religion has always been the tool of choice with which rulers have enforced their will upon the region and have also been toppled. With the Shia, a further incentive for cohesion is their status as a minority; Of the 1.5 billion Muslims worldwide, only 200 million or 15% are estimated to be Shias. [6]

To sum up, the Shia-Sunni relationship is less a victim of theological differences and more that of political games and power hungry leaders on both sides. In the end, it is not that Muslims or savages or Islam is dangerous, but that the Middle East and Muslims are victims, earlier of colonialist mindsets among foreign powers and now, of their own ignorance and narrow-mindedness. Most members of each group do live in harmony with each other across the world and where they don't, one can hope that technology and open minds can achieve that soon.
Sources:
  1. http://www.cfr.org/peace-conflict-and-human-rights/sunni-shia-divide/p33176#!/?cid=otr-marketing_url-sunni_shia_infoguide
  2. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Shia%E2%80%93Sunni_relations
  3. http://www.newstatesman.com/politics/uk/2015/10/end-alone-0
  4. http://georgetownsecuritystudiesreview.org/2014/12/20/the-radicalization-of-south-asian-islam-saudi-money-and-the-spread-of-wahhabism/
  5. http://eng.dar-alifta.org/foreign/ViewArticle.aspx?ID=367&CategoryID=3
  6. http://www.pewforum.org/2009/10/07/mapping-the-global-muslim-population/
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Operation Desert Storm: Tactical and Operation Success yet Strategic Failure

Historical Overview of the Gulf War 1991

In July 1990, Iraq invaded Kuwait, its oil rich neighbor to the South. Kuwait was a small country that could not stand up to the might of Iraq’s 500,000 man army. As such, Iraq occupied Kuwait with complete ease and embarked on a campaign of raping and pillaging in Kuwait City. This invasion sparked international outrage and led to the creation of a UN Coalition to oust Saddam Hussein’s Iraqi Army from Kuwait.1

The Coalition was led by the United States with Britain, France, and other Arab states participating. When Saddam Hussein refused to withdraw his forces from Kuwait, the United States started at buildup of its forces along the Kuwaiti border in Saudi Arabia, codenamed Desert Shield. Originally, the U.S. had the goal of liberating Kuwait, but policymakers in Washington decided also on a strategic goal of ousting Saddam Hussein from power. By January 1991, the buildup was complete, with its forces led by General Norman Schwarzkopf. With this, the offensive operation, codenamed Desert Storm, began.

The Air War

On January 17th, the United States launched a massive aerial bombardment campaign through Iraq, striking Iraq’s air defense installations as well as Iraqi troop movements. This air campaign lasted for over a month, concluded near the end of February, and was massively successful. The Iraqi Air Force and air defense was completely annihilated.2 Iraqi ground forces were bloodied by the aerial bombardment, as shown by one rattled member of Iraq’s 5th Mechanized Division reporting that “American airpower had done more damage to his brigade in half an hour than it had suffered in eight years of fighting the Iranians.”3

The Ground War

After the conclusion of the air campaign, Coalition ground forces conducted an offensive against the Iraqi Army on February 26th, 1991.4 The operational plan was this: U.S. Marines and the British 1st Armoured Division would frontally attack Iraqi forces in Kuwait to pin them down. Meanwhile, the US VII Corps would attack through the Western Iraqi desert in a flanking maneuver to strike deep into Iraqi lines and cut off their avenues of retreat and supply. The French and the US 82nd Airborne Division would attack northeast on the VII Corps’ left in a flank guard action. This pincer movement was to be completed at the Rumaila oil fields with the Army’s VII Corps linking up with the Marines in a complete encirclement of Iraqi forces. This plan is shown by this battle map.

The execution of the plan was sloppy, but mostly successful. The weakened Iraqi Army and even the fanatical Republican Guard crumbled before Coalition forces. The VII Corps dash through the desert was a resounding success, destroying all Iraqi forces in its path and penetrating into the Iraqi rear.
However, at the Battle of 73 Easting, the 2nd Armored Cavalry Regiment ran into the Republican Guard’s Tawalkana Division and the Iraqi 12th Armored Division in defensive positions guarding the entire Army’s supply route. American forces pushed through the initial defenses, but faced heavy counterattacks by both the aforementioned Iraqi units. These attacks were repulsed by the crushing firepower of the 2nd ACR’s Abrams tanks and American fire support. At the end of the battle an entire brigade of the Tawalkana Division and most of the 12th Armored were destroyed.5

However, at the same time, pinning attack in Kuwait was so resoundingly successful that the Marines pushed too far, too fast in to Kuwait, thereby forcing the Iraqis to flee in retreat before VII Corps could close the trap. After a 100 hours of fierce fighting on the ground and the ejection of Iraq’s military from Kuwait, American civilian leadership called for a halt to all offensive operations.6

Tactical and Operational Successes

The stream of battlefield victories like the Battle of 73 Easting showcased the fighting prowess of the post-Vietnam U.S. Army. U.S. forces had completely defeated the Iraqi Army and the vaunted Republican Guard. As such, Kuwait was liberated and the Iraqi military was massively weakened.

Operational Failures

However, the failure of the Coalition to close the encirclement of Iraqi forces led to the escape of an estimated “one-third [to] one-half of the Republican Guard.”7 This sole operational failure would contribute to a large strategic failure.

A Strategic Failure in the Aftermath of Military Victory

In the aftermath of Desert Storm, the Iraqi military still possessed a potent amount of combat power for internal police actions, including tanks, IFVs, and attack helicopters. General Norman Schwarzkopf in his ceasefire negotiation with the Iraqis, established a no-fly zone over all of Iraq, but exempted helicopters, including attack helicopters.8

In the meantime, American strategic thinkers stateside thought that the weak link in Iraq was Saddam Hussein’s political apparatus. They foolishly thought that his military defeat not only weakened his regime, but also effectively destroyed his army. As such, they encouraged Iraq’s oppressed Shia and Kurdish minorities to stage a revolution against Saddam and overthrow him.9

In conjunction with American encouragement and supposed backing, the minorities launched an open rebellion. However, as previously stated, the Republican Guard was still alive and kicking. Their attack helicopters and tanks played a crucial role in the brutal suppression of the Shia rebellion, resulting in the massacre of men, women, and children alike. These events ironically strengthened Saddam’s grip on the Iraqi populace.10

Moreover, while the air campaign was a mostly a success, the month long bombardment alerted Saddam Hussein to impending American attack. As such, when the push into Kuwait came, he was able to torch some Kuwaiti oil fields, rendering parts of it useless to a liberated Kuwait.

As a result, while the immediate goal of liberating Kuwait was a resounding success, the strategic goal of deposing Saddam Hussein was a complete failure. As such, he remained a thorn in America’s side and contributed heavily to the quagmire that was Operation Iraqi Freedom in 2003.

Conclusion

Operation Desert Storm was undeniably a huge military victory. 100 Hours of ground combat defeated one of the most powerful countries in the Mid-East. However, operational mistakes that allowed for much of the Republican Guard to slip the noose of encirclement and strategic missteps by Washington led to strategic disaster. Major General Robert H. Scales as a co-author to the book The Iraq War, wrote
No matter how impressive the battlefield victories might have appeared ... the United States failed to win the peace.11
Endnotes:
  1. Williamson Murray and Robert H. Scales, The Iraq War: A Military History (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2003), 30.
  2. Ibid, 4.
  3. Thomas E Ricks, The Generals: American Military Command from World War II to Today (New York: Penguin Books, 2012), 377.
  4. Murray and Scales, The Iraq War, 4.
  5. Ibid, 5-7.
  6. Ricks, The Generals, 381.
  7. Ibid, 382.
  8. Ibid, 382-383.
  9. Murray and Scales, The Iraq War, 9.
  10. Ibid, 9-10.
  11. Ibid, 8.
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